GAO Urges Caution in Special Operations Command's Armed Overwatch Aircraft Acquisition

 

The Government Accountability Office (GAO) has advised the U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) to reconsider its plan to procure 75 Armed Overwatch aircraft. The watchdog recommended a slowdown in the acquisition of the AT-802U Sky Warden, chosen for the Armed Overwatch program, until fiscal year 2025. GAO emphasized the need for a more comprehensive analysis of the fleet to justify the planned acquisition. The Armed Overwatch initiative aims to deploy versatile fixed-wing aircraft in austere locations, requiring minimal logistical support. SOCOM's selection of the Sky Warden, costing $2.2 billion through FY29, raised concerns about the fleet's size, with GAO suggesting a significantly smaller number based on force structure ratios and operational need estimates. The watchdog highlighted unproven assumptions in SOCOM's studies and the lack of consideration for changes in mission and force structure. GAO recommended a thorough analysis before further acquisitions, a suggestion partially agreed upon by the Defense Department, emphasizing the importance of assessing force structure needs for Armed Overwatch. SOCOM has purchased 16 Sky Wardens to date, with plans to increase the number to 28 by April 2024.

China's Strategic Moves in Latin America: Tank Offer to Colombia Raises Eyebrows

 Recent reports reveal China's attempt to extend its influence in Latin America by promoting its Main Battle Tank-3000 VT-4 to Colombia, a long-time ally of the United States. This move comes after the U.S. dissuaded Argentina from acquiring Chinese-made JF-17 fighter jets. As China seeks a stronger foothold in the region, the question looms: Will Colombia, one of the oldest U.S. allies, embrace China's military offerings?

In the aftermath of the pandemic, Colombia, feeling the absence of the U.S., became increasingly dependent on Chinese support, both financially and in terms of contractors for local job creation. China's prompt vaccine assistance during COVID-19 earned President Xi Jinping an invitation to address the Colombian people. This paved the way for an upgraded strategic partnership between China and Colombia in 2023.

China North Industries Corporation (Norinco), a major player in the Chinese defense industry, has presented a "bold proposal" to Colombia, offering its Main Battle Tank-3000 VT-4. This proposition is considered a significant milestone in military relations between the two nations and has the potential to reshape the dynamics of military power in the region.

Colombia has expressed interest in enhancing its armored capabilities, intending to create an armored brigade in the La Guajira region and replace its aging fleet of Brazilian armored vehicles. Norinco's live demonstration showcased a variety of military vehicles, including the VT-4, emphasizing its capabilities. The VT-4, a third-generation tank, is based on the Soviet-era T-72 tanks, designed for export with a focus on cost-effectiveness.

If the deal materializes, it could mark a significant turning point in the modernization of Colombia's armed forces, providing them with enhanced deterrent and combat capabilities. This move aligns with China's broader strategy to expand its influence in Latin America, as seen in its growing ties with other countries in the region.

While defense ties between Bogota and Beijing have been gradually strengthening, China has previously donated small military equipment to Colombia. By upgrading to a strategic partnership, China now enjoys strategic ties with ten out of the eleven Latin American countries, with Guyana being the exception.

China's recent pitch to Colombia follows its aggressive marketing of the JF-17 'Thunder' to Argentina. The U.S. State Department responded by offering F-16 fighters, signaling direct competition between Washington and Beijing for influence in the region. Argentina's approval to purchase 38 F-16 fighters, considered a geopolitical move, adds complexity to the U.S.-China rivalry in Latin America.

As China endeavors to expand its influence in Latin America, its military offerings to Colombia and the recent competition with the U.S. in Argentina underscore the evolving dynamics in the region. The decisions made by Colombia and other nations in response to these proposals will undoubtedly shape the geopolitical landscape in Latin America, setting the stage for continued strategic competition between China and the United States.

Turkey's Fighter Jet Dilemma: Could JF-17 Block 3 be the Solution

 In the ever-evolving landscape of geopolitical tensions and defense strategies, Turkey finds itself at a crossroads in its pursuit of advanced fighter jets. Facing denials of F-16s from the United States and Eurofighter Typhoons from Germany, Turkey is now rumored to be considering the China-Pakistan co-developed JF-17 Block 3 as a potential alternative. This shift coincides with recent fighter jet acquisitions by its regional rival, Greece, further intensifying the complex dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Turkey's quest for F-16s from the United States and Eurofighter Typhoons from Germany has encountered diplomatic hurdles, contributing to the nation's exploration of alternative options. Germany's reluctance to fulfill Turkey's request and the United States' denial of F-16s have left Ankara seeking other partners to meet its defense needs.

On the other side of the Aegean, Greece has been actively fortifying its air force capabilities. Recent acquisitions of F-16V Viper fighter jets from the United States and Dassault Rafale jets from France underscore Greece's commitment to modernizing its air fleet. The addition of these advanced aircraft enhances Greece's military posture and introduces cutting-edge technology to its arsenal.

Turkey, in response to Greece's strategic advancements, is exploring alternatives beyond traditional Western alliances. The potential consideration of the JF-17 Block 3 represents a departure from the established norms, signaling a willingness to diversify defense partnerships and explore options beyond the denied acquisitions.

The JF-17 Block 3, a collaborative effort between China and Pakistan, presents a cost-effective solution for Turkey, equipped with advanced avionics and weaponry. While not directly comparable to Western counterparts, the Block 3 variant is gaining attention for its capabilities, particularly in the context of Turkey's denied acquisitions and Greece's bolstered air force.

Turkey's potential shift towards the JF-17 Block 3 adds a layer of complexity to the geopolitical dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean. As Turkey seeks alternative defense partners, the move may impact regional power balances and influence diplomatic relationships.

In addition to the JF-17 Block 3, Turkey has other noteworthy alternatives on its radar. The Russian-made Su-57 and Su-35, along with the Chinese J-10C, emerge as potential choices for Ankara. This consideration adds an intriguing dimension to the geopolitical landscape, as operating Russian or Chinese jets would mark a departure for a NATO member. It is worth noting that Turkey already operates the Russian S-400 Air Defense System, a move that led to its expulsion from the F-35 program.

S.Korea, Japan scramble jets as China, Russia enter Seoul's ADIZ

 As per news reports, on Thursday, both South Korea and Japan scrambled fighter jets in response to Chinese and Russian military planes entering their respective air defense zones. South Korea's military reported that two Chinese and four Russian aircraft entered the Korea Air Defense Identification Zone (KADIZ) off its east coast between 11:53 a.m. and 12:10 p.m. The planes exited the area without violating South Korea's territorial airspace, according to the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS).

Simultaneously, Japan deployed jets to monitor joint flights by Chinese and Russian bombers and fighters. The aircraft, including China's H-6, J-16, Y-8, and Russia's Tu-95 and Su-35, were observed flying toward the East China Sea through the channel between Japan and South Korea, as reported by Japan's defense ministry.

An Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) allows countries to unilaterally request foreign aircraft to take specific identification measures, distinct from a nation's airspace. Unlike airspace, there are no international laws governing ADIZ. It's notable that Moscow does not recognize Korea's ADIZ, while Beijing contends that the zone is not territorial airspace, asserting that all countries should enjoy freedom of movement within it.

Back From The Brink

 Hey Everyone, 

After a hiatus of more than 10 years, I am finally back. Well my studies and work had made it impossible for me to run this blog not to mention my lazy ass would rather access defense related news but not share it. Having said that, from now on, I shall do my best to run this blog judiciously, providing all defense related news to you all.

U.S. sees momentum on South China Sea code---------Defense News

WASHINGTON — The United States said on June 27 it saw momentum in talks between China and Southeast Asia on agreeing to a code of conduct to ease deep friction over competing claims in the South China Sea.
The South China Sea is likely to be high on the agenda when U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton heads next month to Cambodia for talks of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and regional powers including China.
Kurt Campbell, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for East Asia, said he understood that a draft proposal on a code of conduct was being discussed and that the United States expected to hear more details while in Cambodia.
“What we have seen of late has been an increase in diplomacy between ASEAN and China about aspects associated with a potential code of conduct,” Campbell told a conference at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
“I will say that we are frankly impressed with the level of focus that particularly ASEAN has given to this,” Campbell said.
Campbell did not give more details on the potential code of conduct and acknowledged that disputes over the South China Sea are “fraught with difficulty.”
“They spur nationalist sentiment across the region as a whole and it is extraordinarily important to deal with them with great delicacy,” he said.
ASEAN and China agreed in 2002 to negotiate a code of conduct. But there has been little visible progress, with a rising China preferring to negotiate with each country individually instead of dealing with a unified bloc.
ASEAN foreign ministers, meeting in April in Phnom Penh, said they hoped to narrow differences and sign a code of conduct with China by the end of the year.
The Philippines and Vietnam accuse China of aggressively asserting its claims in recent years, leading to minor clashes that diplomats and military commanders fear could quickly escalate into major conflicts.
The United States have recently expanded military relations with the Philippines and Vietnam, part of what President Barack Obama’s administration has cast as a growing U.S. focus on relations with Asia.
The details of the code of conduct remained murky. U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, speaking to the annual Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore on June 2, said the code should set a binding “rules-based framework” to prevent and manage disputes.
At the annual ASEAN talks in 2010 in Vietnam, Clinton said the United States had a “national interest” in open access to the South China Sea, through which half of the world’s trade flows.
Her statement generated a wide response in Asia, with Southeast Asian nations largely welcoming the remarks and stepping up cooperation with the United States but China accusing her of fanning tensions.
Campbell said Clinton was also looking to visit Laos. If confirmed, the trip would be the first by a U.S. secretary of state to Laos since the communist victory in 1975.
The United States established normal trade ties with Laos in 2004 and has been studying ways to clean up ordnance. The United States dropped millions of bombs on Laos during the Vietnam War to cut off Hanoi’s supply lines.
U.S. relations with Laos have remained uneasy largely due to concerns over treatment of the Hmong, a hill people who assisted U.S. forces during the Vietnam War and have reported persecution afterward.
One signature effort of the Obama administration has been reaching out to another long-isolated nation — Myanmar.
The country formerly known as Burma has undertaken dramatic reforms since last year including allowing elections in which opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi won a seat in parliament.
U.S. senators said Wednesday that they expected soon to confirm Derek Mitchell as the first U.S. ambassador to Myanmar in more than 20 years.

Cartwright: China, S. Korea Need To Pressure North Korea---------Defense News

The United States should take a back seat to China and South Korea when it comes to applying pressure on North Korea, according to an influential, retired U.S. general.
“We could probably do a substantial amount of solving the problems of North Korea if we would let South Korea and China work the problem,” said retired Marine Corps Gen. James Cartwright, who retired last year as the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Cartwright’s comments came during a June 26 presentation at an event sponsored by Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory.
“Once you start to introduce commerce, risk equations change substantially,” he said, noting both China and South Korea have built roads and rail lines up to the North Korean border.
“But as long as we’re there, it looks like a wartime footing. We’ve just got to think our way through how to do this,” he said.
The U.S. has about 28,000 troops based on the Korean Peninsula.
Cartwright, who since his retirement has been outspoken on defense issues such as nuclear deterrence and cybersecurity, said the United States should partner with China to make sure nations in the region “are taken care of, that they have access to goods, that they can move their goods.”
“We’re better off solving these problems if we do so with China,” he said.
Cartwright said there needs to be an authoritative venue that could address nations’ claims of natural resources under the South China Sea.