US Navy to Deploy Uncrewed Underwater Vehicles from Submarines by End of 2024

The US Navy (USN) is set to deploy a torpedo-tube launch-and-recovery (TTL&R) uncrewed underwater vehicle (UUV) capability on an operational submarine for the first time. This deployment will begin by the end of 2024 in the European theatre. Although submarines have previously used UUVs, the TTL&R method simplifies deployment and retrieval, enhancing capabilities and maneuverability in the underwater domain.

Vice Admiral Rob Gaucher, Commander of Submarine Forces, announced at the Naval Leaders' Combined Naval Event 2024 (CNE 24) in Farnborough, UK, that the UUVs would be installed on the USS Delaware in the coming weeks and will be deployed by year's end. The Delaware, a Virginia-class nuclear-powered attack submarine commissioned in April 2020, is part of the USN's plan to develop a fully integrated SSN-based UUV capability.

Vice Adm Gaucher emphasized the importance of increasing UUV operations within the submarine force and outlined plans to accelerate this development in 2024. The deployment will include an HII REMUS 600 UUV, tested successfully in late 2023 when launched and recovered via the Delaware’s torpedo tube. The US Navy’s regional commanders in Europe will seek exercises and opportunities to test this TTL&R-based UUV capability during the Delaware’s deployment across the Atlantic.

The second successful test of the TTL&R capability occurred on the Delaware in December 2023, following an earlier test in the Pacific. Vice Adm Gaucher highlighted the need to integrate emerging commercial UUV technologies into regular naval operations, stressing the importance of practical experience and trials.

The TTL&R capability, part of the AUKUS (Australia/UK/US) strategic partnership, exemplifies new concepts and technologies being developed under Pillar 2. This development underscores the collaboration between the three navies in advancing subsea and seabed warfare capabilities, with UUVs playing a crucial role in defending underwater infrastructure.

Vice Adm Gaucher concluded by emphasizing the need for more exercises and development to expand uncrewed operations, aiming for exponential growth in the use of uncrewed systems. 

China’s Norinco Eyes Stake in Brazil's Top Missile Developer Avibras

 China North Industries Group Corporation, commonly known as Norinco, is reportedly in talks to acquire a 49% stake in Avibras, Brazil’s leading missile developer renowned for its modular multi-caliber MLRS ASTROS. This move comes after Australia’s DefendTex withdrew from the acquisition due to a lack of political and financial support from its government. DefendTex's offer of 130 million US dollars fell short of Avibras' 200 million US dollar valuation.

The Australian government, a close ally of the United States with access to advanced American missile technologies such as HIMARS, PrSM, NASAMS, NSM, and Tomahawk, showed minimal interest in the Brazilian company. DefendTex also cited the Brazilian government’s ban on military exports for the war in Ukraine as a reason for the failed negotiations, aiming to integrate Avibras products into Western programs to support military supplies for Ukraine.

Norinco's potential acquisition of Avibras could pose significant risks. This move might trigger a U.S. embargo on the export and use of American defense products in Brazil due to sanctions imposed by the Biden administration in 2021. The U.S. Government has warned Brazilian authorities that Norinco’s involvement could jeopardize national security, with sanctions prohibiting the integration of U.S. defense equipment with Norinco-related systems.

These restrictions could heavily impact Avibras’ products, including its flagship ASTROS MLRS, which rely on American technology like communication systems from L3Harris Corporation. Avibras also collaborates with seven other U.S. companies in its supply chain.

It remains unclear whether Norinco intends to invest in Avibras' long-term, less competitive programs or simply leverage the Brazilian brand’s reputation to market its own products.

Japan Commissions Sixth Mogami-Class Frigate 'Agano' for JMSDF

 On June 21, 2024, Japanese shipbuilder Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Maritime Systems Co., Ltd. held a delivery and flag-raising ceremony for the ‘Agano’ (あがの), officially commissioning it into the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF). The 'Agano' is the sixth vessel in the Mogami-class series of next-generation frigates, designated with the pennant number FFM-6. It will be stationed at the Maizuru Naval Base.

The frigate is named after the Agano River, a notable river in the Hokuriku region of Honshu, Japan. The ship was launched by MHI in Nagasaki in December 2022.

The Mogami-class frigates, also known as 30FFM and previously 30DX, represent the next generation of multi-mission vessels for the JMSDF. The JMSDF initially planned to procure 22 of these frigates but has revised this number to 12 by the end of fiscal year 2023. From 2024 to 2028, a new class of 12 improved Mogami-class frigates will be built, featuring longer-range missiles, enhanced anti-submarine capabilities, and improved maritime operational functionalities.

Key specifications of the FFM include a full load displacement of approximately 5,500 tons, a length of 132.5 meters, and a beam of 16.3 meters, with a maximum speed exceeding 30 knots. The frigates are designed to be highly automated, requiring a crew of about 90 sailors.

The FFM is equipped with advanced weaponry and systems, including:

• BAE Systems Mk.45 mod.4 5-inch naval gun system
• Japan Steel Works 12.7mm Remote Weapon System (×2)
• Mk.41 Vertical Launch System (VLS)
• Raytheon SeaRAM
• MHI Type 17 anti-ship missiles (×8)
• Mitsubishi Electric OPY-2 multifunction Radar
• Mitsubishi Electric OAX-3EO/IR sensors
• Hitachi OQQ-11 anti-mine sonar
• NEC OQQ-25 anti-submarine sonar (VDS/TASS)
• Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) and Unmanned Surface Vehicles (USVs) for mine countermeasures
• Offensive sea mines

The introduction of the new-class FFM aims to bolster the JMSDF's capabilities, with the enhanced frigates featuring improved anti-aircraft and search functions, potentially elevating them to the status of missile frigates (FFG).

Additionally, the Royal Australian Navy has shortlisted the Mogami-class as one of four contenders for its next frigate, alongside Germany’s Meko A-200, South Korea’s Daegu class FFX Batch II and III, and Spain’s Navantia ALFA3000. Admiral Sakai Ryo of the JMSDF welcomed this selection, emphasizing the high trust and evaluation of Japanese naval equipment.

Chinese Researchers Analyze F-35 vs. F-22: Which Stealth Fighter Poses a Greater Threat to PLAAF?

 Recently, US Indo-Pacific Command's Admiral Samuel Paparo discussed a “Hellscape” strategy to counter China, predicting a strong drone force could severely challenge any Chinese invasion of Taiwan. General Kenneth Wilsbach, Commander of the Pacific Air Forces, argued in March 2022 that using expendable unmanned aircraft against China would be more effective than deploying high-end stealth fighters like the F-35s or F-22s.

While many analysts view the F-22 Raptors as the primary threat to Beijing, Chinese researchers have a different perspective. In April last year, they conducted a study comparing the US stealth fighters F-35 and F-22, concluding that the F-35 Lightning II presents a greater threat than the F-22 Raptors.

Despite the F-22’s reputation as a formidable stealth aircraft, the study published in the Chinese-language journal Modern Defense Technology found the F-35 poses a more significant threat to Chinese military defenses. The research evaluated the impact of these aircraft during various stages of a counter-air operation near China’s coastline.

The study suggests that the F-35A, with its advanced avionics and multirole capabilities, is more adaptable and effective in potential conflicts in the Indo-Pacific region. Researchers noted that the F-35's ability to perform multiple functions and its versatility in various missions give it an edge over the F-22.

The F-35 has become a vital asset in the region due to its advanced technology and remarkable adaptability. The US and its allies operate many F-35s near China, whereas the F-22s are fewer in number and solely operated by the US Air Force, often on a rotational basis. By 2035, over 300 F-35s are expected to be deployed in the Indo-Pacific, with operators including Australia, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and the US.

To counter the F-35 threat, Bao Junchen from the National University of Defense Technology and a team from the People’s Liberation Army’s Unit 31649 in Guangdong propose a dual strategy. They recommend enhancing electronic warfare capabilities for "soft kill" actions and developing physical weapons for "hard kill" responses. The F-35A's roles as both an intelligence-gathering sensor and a primary escort for forward attacks call for both non-destructive and destructive countermeasures.

China views the US’s penetrating counter-air operation strategy as a significant threat and is heavily investing in military capabilities to counteract US power in the Asia-Pacific. The US maintains a strong military presence in the region, with bases in Japan, South Korea, and Guam. In response, China has deployed advanced systems like the HQ-9 missile system and the J-20 stealth fighter, increasing production of the latter.

These weapons are intended to counter US air defenses and target high-value assets such as airfields and command centers. The study emphasizes that analyzing the F-22 and F-35 can help China develop effective countermeasures and protect its airspace. Additionally, the research advocates for a coordinated strategy to counter B-2 and B-1B bombers, which pose a threat when penetrating deeper into Chinese territory. A multi-dimensional approach using various platforms from air, land, sea, and space is recommended.

Although the study found the MQ-9 drone less threatening, it warned against ignoring advanced drones like the XQ-58A and RQ-180. The researchers used an analytic hierarchy process (AHP) to evaluate each aircraft’s threat level, offering a nuanced assessment. However, the lack of raw data due to military sensitivity makes independent verification challenging.

US Military’s V-22 Osprey Fleet to Resume Full Operations by Mid-2025

 

The U.S. military's fleet of over 400 V-22 Osprey tiltrotor aircraft is not expected to return to full flight operations until at least mid-2025, as stated by a Navy admiral during a House Oversight subcommittee meeting. Vice Adm. Carl Chebi, head of Naval Air Systems Command, which oversees Ospreys for the Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps, mentioned that a review assessing manning, training, and equipment adequacy will continue for another six to nine months. He assured lawmakers that findings from this comprehensive review will guide actions to ensure safe flight operations.

The Osprey fleet began a gradual return to service with flight restrictions in early March, three months after being grounded due to a fatal Air Force CV-22 crash off Japan's coast. This crash, which killed all eight airmen on board, led to a suspension of operations in early December.

The V-22 Osprey's unique capability to operate both as an airplane and a helicopter makes it ideal for aircraft carrier landings and special operations in challenging environments. The Marine Corps operates the majority of these aircraft, with the Air Force and Navy having around 50 and 30, respectively. Some Marine Ospreys have already resumed activity; for instance, ten aircraft from Marine Medium Tiltrotor Squadron 268 were sent to Hawaii for a training exercise in Australia, and others are being used in Sweden for Exercise Baltic Operations.

Despite the partial resumption, the Navy's CMV-22 fleet remains grounded for carrier support missions. Current restrictions prevent Ospreys from flying more than 30 minutes from a potential emergency landing site. Meanwhile, crews at Cannon Air Force Base in New Mexico are preparing to restore their operational capabilities, and other squadrons are also nearing readiness.

An investigation into the Air Force's CV-22 crash on November 29 is almost complete, with family briefings expected soon. The crash was attributed to a material failure previously unseen in the Osprey fleet.

Since their introduction over two decades ago, Ospreys have experienced several fatal accidents, including four incidents since March 2022, resulting in 20 service members' deaths. These issues led to fleet-wide groundings in 2022 and 2023 due to premature wear in the input quill assembly, which connects the engine to the proprotor gearbox.

Vice Adm. Chebi and Gary Kurtz, the program executive officer for anti-submarine, assault, and special mission programs, informed lawmakers that testing for a redesigned clutch is imminent. They anticipate the new clutch will be fielded by mid-2025.

Philippines Replaces India as Key US Military Partner Against China: Can Manila Succeed Where Delhi Hesitated?

 As China emerges as a global economic and military power capable of challenging US dominance, the Indo-Pacific region, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), has gained significant strategic importance for US defense. The Indo-Pacific would become a pivotal battleground if Western powers, led by the US, were to confront China.

Initially, there was debate over whether India should be included in the Indo-Pacific initiative, given its long-standing ties with Russia. However, China's aggressive actions along the Himalayan border with India eventually led Prime Minister Modi to support India's inclusion in the Quad, bolstering the initiative's prospects.

India focused on modernizing its navy to protect its shores and ports, while the Quad countries also worked on enhancing their naval capabilities. In April 2024, the navies of the US, Australia, Japan, and the Philippines conducted joint maritime exercises in the South China Sea, aiming to strengthen their collective ability to uphold freedom of navigation and maritime rights.

From April 22 to May 8, US and Philippine ships, alongside French and Australian naval troops, conducted the Balikatan 2024 exercise with over 16,000 participants. Although not officially aimed at containing China, these exercises sent a clear message of US presence near Chinese waters.

One controversial mission during the exercise involved sinking a decommissioned China-made naval vessel, BRP Lake Caliraya, which Beijing viewed as a deliberate message.

During the Balikatan exercise, defense ministers from the four countries met in Honolulu, discussing the exercise's political implications near China's coast. Reports suggest that the term "Squad" was informally used to describe the four participating countries, hinting at a new East Asian bloc.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), comprising Australia, India, Japan, and the US, was initially established in 2007. However, it remained largely inactive until 2017 when Quad leaders met in Manila to revive the initiative with a stronger stance against China, driven by concerns over China's Belt and Road Initiative and US accusations of "predatory economics."

Despite pressure from Washington, India maintained a pragmatic stance, continuing to purchase discounted oil from Russia and declining to align fully with NATO's anti-China agenda. This led the US to shift focus from the Quad to the more cooperative government of the Philippines.

Ultimately, US efforts to coerce India into a confrontational position against China failed, as India joined the Quad to enhance trade relations and ensure free maritime movement. The effectiveness of the newly formed "Squad" in ensuring Indo-Pacific security remains to be seen.

Australia Seeks Foreign Shipbuilders for Urgent Frigate Procurement Under Project Sea 3000

 

Australia is urgently seeking foreign shipbuilders to procure general-purpose frigates as part of Project Sea 3000, according to the Defence Department's statement to Defense News. On May 24, the government issued requests for information to shipbuilders from Germany, Japan, South Korea, and Spain. A department spokesperson withheld further details, citing the commercial, procurement, and probity processes still in progress.

The “Enhanced Lethality Surface Combatant Fleet” review, released in February, recommended replacing eight existing Anzac-class frigates with eleven new general-purpose frigates. To expedite this, the initial three frigates will be constructed overseas, with the remainder built in Western Australia.

The review highlighted Germany’s MEKO A-200, Japan’s 30FFM, South Korea’s FFX from the second and third batches, and Spain’s Alfa 3000 as potential candidates. The rationale for grouping the two FFX batches as a single platform was not clarified.

Shipbuilders were given four weeks to respond to the initial request and an additional three weeks to outline how subsequent frigates could be constructed in Australia. The selection process is expected to conclude next year, with the first overseas-built ship to be commissioned by 2030. The fourth through sixth vessels, to be built in Australia, will follow the same design baseline. Decisions on the design of the seventh through eleventh frigates have not yet been made.

By 2026, the Royal Australian Navy's surface combatant fleet will consist of nine hulls, highlighting a capability gap before the new frigates are delivered.

Shipbuilders approached by Defense News declined to provide details on Australia’s procurement effort. ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems of Germany confirmed their participation in the tender but refrained from further comment. South Korean shipbuilders Hyundai Heavy Industries, SK Oceanplant, and Hanwha Ocean are currently constructing six Ulsan-class FFX-III vessels, with Hyundai confirming receipt of Australia's request for information.

Hyundai Heavy Industries emphasized its competitive edge in warship construction, highlighting its experience in research and development and the building of the latest Ulsan-class frigate.

Rear Adm. Stephen Hughes, head of naval capabilities for Australia, mentioned at the Combined Naval Event conference in the U.K. on May 23 that the country is leveraging existing designs to expedite the integration of new vessels into the fleet. However, he acknowledged potential challenges since the weapon systems, sensors, and technologies chosen by the original customers of these ships might be unfamiliar to the Royal Australian Navy. Notably, the Saab 9LB combat management system and Australian-made CEA Technologies radars, currently used by the Australian fleet, are not included in these designs.

Hughes described the acquisition process as an opportunity rather than a risk, emphasizing the importance of making informed and wise choices regarding the new designs.

Italian Navy Deploys Carrier Strike Group for Five-Month Indo-Pacific Mission

 

The Italian Navy's Carrier Strike Group, led by the Cavour (CVH 550) STOVL aircraft carrier and accompanied by the Alpino (F 594) Bergamini-class frigate, embarked on a five-month deployment to the Indo-Pacific region on June 1st. This mission was confirmed by Italian Navy Chief of Staff Admiral Enrico Credendino at the Conference Navale de Paris in January, though the Ministry of Defense has not released detailed information.

During this deployment, the Carrier Strike Group will visit around ten countries and ports, traveling through the Mediterranean Sea, Indian Ocean, Red Sea, and Gulf of Aden to reach the Pacific. The group will operate in the Indo-Pacific for approximately two months before returning to Italy, making stops in Southeast Asia, India, and the Middle East.

Admiral Credendino emphasized that the Cavour Carrier Strike Group is a versatile tool for projecting power globally, maintaining sea control, and ensuring open sea lines of communication. The deployment will achieve initial operating capability (IOC) for the Italian Navy’s fifth-generation aircraft, enhancing interoperability with allies.

The Cavour carries an air group including Lockheed Martin F-35B Lightning IIs, Boeing AV-8B Harrier II Plus aircraft, and NH90 helicopters, totaling more than a dozen assets, with expectations of increased numbers during the mission. The Alpino frigate provides anti-submarine warfare capabilities, and the group will expand with NATO, EU, and allied naval assets, including Spanish and French frigates.

The Italian Carrier Strike Group will engage in naval diplomacy, promote Italian industry, and collaborate with NATO and local navies. Highlights include the biennial Pitch Black exercise in Australia, interactions with the US Armed Forces in the Central Pacific, and engagements with the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force. The group will visit the Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore, India, Oman, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia before returning to Italy in early November.

This mission is crucial for evaluating and qualifying the capabilities of the fifth-generation F-35Bs, aiming to reach IOC by the end of 2024, which is significant for both the Italian Navy and NATO.

China Warns Taiwan Independence Supporters of 'Self-Destruction' at Shangri-La Dialogue

 

After meeting U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, China’s new defense minister, Adm. Dong Jun, appeared amicable, even sharing tips on the best places to see pandas in China. However, his tone shifted dramatically two days later during the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, a prominent defense summit.

In a stern speech, Dong warned that those supporting Taiwan's independence would face "self-destruction" and stated that the likelihood of "peaceful reunification" with Taiwan was diminishing. His speech reflected China's dual strategy at the summit: reassuring other nations of its responsible behavior while firmly asserting its stance on Taiwan and the South China Sea.

Rory Medcalf, head of the National Security College at Australian National University, described Dong's address as the "most consistently intimidating speech" from China at the summit. A U.S. official echoed this sentiment, calling the speech "tone deaf" and highlighting global concerns about China's coercive activities in the region.

China's recent actions include military activities around the Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea, where Chinese Coast Guard vessels have harassed Philippine resupply missions. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has warned that any Filipino deaths resulting from such actions would be considered an act of war, potentially drawing the U.S. into the conflict due to its mutual defense treaty with the Philippines.

During the conference, other leaders also criticized China. U.S. Defense Secretary Austin reiterated that conflict is neither "imminent nor unavoidable," while Australia's Defense Minister Richard Marles emphasized that China's growing power would attract greater scrutiny.

Despite resuming military talks with the U.S. after a two-year hiatus, China's actions around Taiwan remain aggressive. Dong cited "external interfering forces," referring to the U.S. and its allies, for escalating tensions in the region. During a Q&A session, Dong defended China's actions, claiming those seeking Taiwanese independence were testing China's "red lines."

Dong's speech concluded with a mix of defiance and humor, highlighting the charged atmosphere at the Shangri-La Dialogue.

Australian E-7A Wedgetail Ends Mission Supporting Ukraine After Successful Surveillance Deployment

 The Royal Australian Air Force's E-7A Wedgetail aircraft, part of Operation Kudu aiding Ukrainian forces, is set to return home after a six-month mission in Europe. The Wedgetail played a pivotal role in Ukraine, contributing to the downing of Russian Su-34s, according to experts.

Australia's Defense Ministry announced the E-7A's return, highlighting its mission in providing crucial surveillance over Eastern Europe. The aircraft logged over 250 flight hours, aiding in both military and humanitarian efforts.

Lieutenant General Greg Bilton praised the ADF personnel's support, emphasizing Australia's commitment to upholding global order. Air Marshal Robert Chipman lauded the Wedgetail's capabilities and the dedication of Australian personnel.

While the E-7A's return marks the end of this chapter, Australia's military assistance to Ukraine will continue. Operation Kudu's expanded training element will provide vital support throughout 2024.

Speculation surrounds the E-7A's role in the downing of Russian Su-34s, attributed to its superior capabilities against Russian defenses. Despite Australia's clarification that it did not facilitate attacks, the Wedgetail played a crucial role in safeguarding international aid flow to Ukraine.

Operating outside Russian airspace, the E-7A provided early warnings of potential threats, filling a capability gap NATO couldn't address. With its mission concluding, there will be no gap in Western monitoring capabilities.

Philippines Agrees to Greater American Presence

MANILA, Philippines — The Philippines on Jan. 27 announced plans to allow a greater U.S. military presence on its territory, in a move analysts said was directly aimed at trying to contain a rising China.

Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario said the Philippines was looking for more joint military exercises with its former colonial ruler, as well as having a greater number of U.S. troops rotating through the country.

“It is to our definite advantage to be exploring how to maximize our treaty alliance with the United States in ways that would be mutually acceptable and beneficial,” del Rosario said in a statement.

Del Rosario did not specifically name China as driving the Philippines’ push for a greater U.S. military presence, but highlighted “territorial disputes.” The most pressing territorial dispute for the Philippines is with China over claims to parts of the South China Sea, home to some of the world’s most important shipping lanes and believed to hold vast deposits of fossil fuels.

The Philippines and Vietnam, who also claims parts of the South China Sea, complained repeatedly last year of what they said were increasingly aggressive acts by China in the decades-long rift.

The accusations, which included a Chinese naval ship firing warning shots at Filipino fishermen, fueled fears among some nations in the region about China as its military and political strength grows.

In his statement, del Rosario said a greater U.S. military presence in the Philippines would help bolster regional security.

“Such cooperative efforts would as well result in achieving a balance of influence to ensure peace, stability, and economic development in the region,” he said.

Nevertheless, del Rosario and other officials emphasized there were no plans to allow a return of the large-scale U.S. military bases that existed in the Philippines until 1992, when Filipino senators voted to close them down.

Del Rosario said the increased U.S. military presence could include “planning more joint exercises to promote interoperability, and a rotating and more frequent presence by them.”

Aside from regular military exercises, the most notable U.S. presence in the Philippines in recent times has been a rotating force of about 600 troops that has been stationed in the southern Philippines for the past decade.

The U.S. special operations forces train local troops in how to combat Islamic militants but are not allowed to have a fighting role.

Del Rosario’s statement expanded on comments by U.S. State Department officials on Jan. 26, who said the two countries were involved in talks this week on increasing military cooperation.

Philippine officials said more talks would be held in March to determine specifics of the plans.

Political analysts in Manila said the Philippines’ decision to allow a larger U.S. military presence was a direct reaction to China’s perceived increased aggressiveness, particularly regarding the South China Sea.

“The Philippines is now playing the U.S. card to get more leverage against China,” said Rommel Banlaoi, head of the Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence and Terrorism Research.

Rene de Castro, a lecturer in international studies at De la Salle University said: “We are playing the balance of power game because we have no means to deal with an emergent and very assertive China.”

In a strategic shift that has angered China, the United States has been looking to increase its military presence across the Asia Pacific.

U.S. President Barack Obama said in November the United States would deploy up to 2,500 Marines to northern Australia. The next month a U.S. admiral wrote that the U.S. expected to station several combat ships in Singapore.

Pakistan Responds Harsh to NATO strike

ISLAMABAD — While the Pakistani military is in no mood to quietly return to full cooperation with NATO/ISAF forces in the aftermath of the Nov. 25-26 attacks on Pakistani border posts, a “restart” in the Pak-U.S relationship is still possible, experts said.

Brian Cloughley, former Australian defense attaché to Islamabad, said the Pakistani military — specifically the Army — does not want to settle for a low-key response from the U.S.

“The Army doesn’t want a ‘quiet’ acknowledgement. What it wants is a proper apology — publicly,” he said.

The Army is united in this opinion, and if a public apology is not forthcoming the considerable ill-will directed toward the U.S. will continue, “and there will be continuing lack of cooperation.”

The Pakistani response to the Jan. 23 NATO/ISAF report into the attacks, which killed 24 Pakistani troops, was predictable, he said.

The accompanying Inter Services Press Release (ISPR) statement says Pakistan disagrees with “several portions and findings” of the NATO/ISAF report, which are deemed to be “factually not correct.”

The basis of the NATO/ISAF report, “self defense” and “proportional use of force,” is rejected as “contrary to facts.”

The ISPR statement reiterates Pakistan contacted NATO/ISAF forces “within minutes of initiation of US/NATO fire,” and rejects attributing partial responsibility for the attacks to Pakistani forces as “unjustified and unacceptable.”

It also states, “The fundamental cause of the incident of 26th November 2011 was the failure of US/ISAF to share its near-border operation with Pakistan at any level.”

In addition, it lists “the complicated chain of command, complex command and control structure and unimaginative/intricate Rules of Engagement, as well as lack of unified military command in Afghanistan,” as further causes of the attacks.

It ends by stating NATO/ISAF forces “violated all mutually agreed procedures with Pakistan for near-border operations put in place to avert such uncalled for actions,” and reiterates the attacks were an “unprovoked engagement” that took place inside Pakistan and were therefore a violation of NATO/ISAF’s mandate.

Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, associate professor at the school of Politics and International Relations at Islamabad’s Quaid-e-Azam University, said Pakistan’s response to the NATO/ISAF report has tried to prove what has already been stated by the Pakistani side, and that there “doesn’t seem to be a desire to let this go.”

It details that NATO/ISAF forces had carried out previous operations in the vicinity and were fully aware of the course of the border and location of Pakistani positions. It also says that some operations on the Afghan side of the border were undertaken by NATO/ISAF forces in support of Pakistani anti-Taliban operations on its side of the border.

Using photographs and aerial images to reinforce its assertions, the Pakistan statement also rejects claims NATO/ISAF forces were fired upon by the Pakistani posts. It specifically criticizes the NATO/ISAF report’s mandate, which did not include affixing direct responsibility for the attacks, and that it implied “Pakistan was considered in an adversarial role.”

Lt. Col. Jimmie Cummings, ISAF spokesman, was unable to comment on the Pakistani response and referred questions to CENTCOM as the investigative report into the attacks was carried out by CENTCOM, not ISAF.

He said ISAF was only able to comment on “the recommendations that CENTCOM made in the original report.”

“The recommendations in the CENTCOM report are designed to work toward building a positive relationship and constructive cross-border coordination measures to ensure this type of incident does not ever occur again. US and ISAF are taking these recommendations and are moving forward toward full implementation,” he said.

No response was forthcoming from CENTCOM, however, or from the defense section at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad.

Jaspal is optimistic there is a chance for the Pak-U.S. relationship to be “restarted,” but “not as it was previously” “There won’t be a ‘blank check’ as there was previously; there will restrictions,” he said.

The main factor is the ongoing block on NATO supplies transiting Pakistani territory.

“The Pakistan supply route will probably remain closed, and the northern routes will continue to be used and expanded, if possible,” said Cloughley. “There is already a mammoth increase in air supply. The costs are horrific.”

Austrailian Black Hawks resume Sorties

MELBOURNE — Australia’s fleet of Black Hawk combat helicopters returned to the skies Jan. 24 after being temporarily grounded Jan. 20 over safety concerns surrounding fractured bolts.

The defect was found during routine maintenance of an Army S-70A-9.

The defective bolts were found on the drive shaft between the engine and transmission, and a fleetwide suspension of flying was ordered following concerns that all power could have been lost to the engine if the bolts failed entirely.

The Black Hawk is a twin-engined helicopter.

The only helicopters allowed to operate during the period were three assigned to Joint Task Force 631 in Timor Leste to provide emergency aero-medical evacuations for International Stabilization Force personnel if required.

The Royal Australian Navy’s 16 S-70B-2 Seahawks were not affected by the grounding order.

Speaking at the time, Col. Stephen Evans, acting director general Aviation, said, “The precautionary suspension will remain in place to allow an investigation into the cause of the fracture to be completed.”

During the investigation, Chris Clapperton, director of Maritime and Asia Strategies for Sikorsky Aerospace Services, noted, “The bolt that failed is a general aviation hardware bolt that is not manufactured by Sikorsky; we are assisting the Australian Army with their investigation into the cause of the failure.”

In an announcement that flying would resume Jan. 24, Maj. Gen. Michael Slater, commander of Forces Command (Army Operational Airworthiness Authority), said, “The engineering investigation has indicated the defective bolts were confined to a single manufacturer’s batch and were not a fleetwide issue. The defective batch of bolts has been quarantined from use.

“The precautionary suspension has been lifted following airworthiness advice from the Technical Airworthiness Authority. The suspension demonstrates Army’s commitment to safety. The temporary safety precaution was affected while a thorough engineering investigation was carried out following discovery of the defective bolts.”

Australia has 34 Black Hawks, including the three in Timor Leste, but the type is being replaced by the European MRH 90 Multi-Role Helicopter, being assembled in Australia by Eurocopter subsidiary Australian Aerospace.

Asian Navies Shift to Bigger Vessels, Downplay Littoral Ops

TAIPEI - As Western navies build fewer aircraft carriers, destroyers and submarines, Asian navies are moving in the opposite direction, ignoring the littorals with construction and procurement of larger warships and submarines.

The U.S. and Europe have stepped back from larger platforms designed for the Cold War and invested in smaller platforms such as the U.S. Navy's Freedom-class Littoral Combat Ship (LCS). But this is not the case in East Asia and the Pacific, where there have been increases in spending on destroyers and submarines in Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, said Bob Nugent, vice president of naval advisory services at AMI International, based in Seattle.

One of the most notable cases involves Taiwan's procurement of four Kidd-class guided missile destroyers and plans to procure eight submarines. Japan and South Korea have also invested heavily in guided missile destroyers equipped with advanced phased array radars.

Even in budget-challenged Southeast Asian countries, the trend has been a shift from smaller to larger platforms, such as frigates and large corvettes. Examples include Singapore's Formidable-class frigates, Indonesia's SIGMA-class corvettes, Malaysia's recent decision on the SGPV/LCS frigates, and Vietnam's plan to buy SIGMAs and the pending delivery of Russian-built Kilo-class submarines.

The main reason regional navies are ignoring littoral capabilities has to do with geography. In the region, "the home team enjoys an enormous advantage of range and proximity and the attacker would have to be prepared to conduct pre-emptive strikes against the coast state's bases before conducting operations in the littoral," said Sam Bateman a regional naval specialist at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, in Singapore.

The U.S. Navy should "think twice" about deploying classic sea control/power projection capabilities, such as carrier battle groups, within range of subs and land-based strike aircraft, Bateman said. The U.S. Navy's new LCS will be "hugely vulnerable without close-air support and that cannot be guaranteed."

The U.S. and Singapore have recently agreed to allow the U.S. Navy to station the LCS in Singapore.

Air support is the "elephant in the room" with littoral warfare, Bateman said. Littoral warfare is dependent on fire support directed against targets on land, either from aircraft close-air support or naval gunfire. Despite all the advances with missiles, "the big caliber naval gun remains an attractive and effective way of putting down fire in coastal areas."

Another problem in the Asia-Pacific has been increased tension over exclusive economic zone (EEZ) claims, particularly in the South China Sea. Many countries, including China, claim restrictions over naval operations in their EEZs.

Some within the region have invested in stealthy vessels to avoid detection in the littoral environment. Singapore's Formidable-class frigates are based on the stealthy French-built La Fayette-class frigates and Singapore's ST Engineering is conducting research to develop the 27-meter Stealth Interceptor and 57-meter Stealth Patrol Vessel.

Taiwan wants to build a stealthy 900-ton catamaran corvette and is manufacturing a stealthy 180-ton fast-attack missile patrol boat, armed with Hsiung Feng-2 anti-ship missiles. The stealthy SIGMA-class corvettes procured by Indonesia and now being considered by Vietnam are other examples.

For Asian countries dealing with the littoral issue, the challenge is finding the right investment balance among intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) and defensive and offensive technologies, Nugent said.

"Unmanned systems are critical to ISR and defense in the littoral now and will become more so for offensive littoral warfare as unmanned maritime systems are more widely armed for all domains in the future," he said. Investments in better sensors and C4ISR are the other areas where the "gaps that create vulnerabilities in ship's self-defense against missiles and torpedoes in the littoral are getting a lot of attention."

Another area of growing interest is the use of unmanned surface vehicles (USV) and unmanned underwater vehicles (UUV). ST Engineering is developing the 9-meter Venus USV ostensibly for harbor patrol, but the vessel has potential for littoral warfare.

USVs and UUVs will be "particularly useful for littoral warfare as they can be launched outside the EEZ or convenient surveillance range of the coastal state, which is unlikely to have the capabilities of detecting them," Bateman said. "They can be used for surveillance/intelligence collection and as an offensive weapon - to lay mines or fire torpedoes," he said.

There is also potential for anti-submarine warfare, but that capability is as yet "unrealized."

Australia Ranked 1st, N. Korea Last on Nuke Safety

WASHINGTON - Australia has the tightest security controls among nations with nuclear material while North Korea poses the world's greatest risks, a new index by experts said Jan. 11.

The Nuclear Threat Initiative, in a project led by former U.S. Sen. Sam Nunn and the Economist Intelligence Unit, aims to draw attention to steps that nations can take to ensure the safety of the world's most destructive weapons.

Among 32 nations that possess at least one kilogram of weapons-usable nuclear materials, Australia was ranked as the most secure. It was followed by European nations led by Hungary, the Czech Republic and Switzerland.

On the bottom of the list, North Korea was ranked as the least secure of its nuclear material, edging out Pakistan.

The index, which gave rankings on a scale of 100, also listed Iran, Vietnam and India below the 50-point threshold.

"This is not about congratulating some countries and chastising others. We are highlighting the universal responsibility of states to secure the world's most dangerous materials," said Nunn, who has long been active on nuclear safety.

Nunn, a Democrat who represented Georgia in the Senate from 1972 until early 1997, voiced concern that the world had a "perfect storm" - an ample supply of weapons-usable nuclear materials and terrorists who want them.

"We know that to get the materials they need, terrorists will go where the material is most vulnerable. Global nuclear security is only as strong as the weakest link in the chain," he said.

The index, timed ahead of the March summit on nuclear security in South Korea, called for the world to set benchmarks and to hold nations accountable for nuclear safety. It also urged nations to stop increasing stocks of weapons-usable material and to make public their security regulations.

North Korea has tested two nuclear bombs and in 2009 renounced a U.S.-backed agreement on denuclearization. The world has watched warily since last month as young Kim Jong-Un takes over as leader from his late father Kim Jong-Il.

Pakistan has vigorously defended its right to nuclear weapons. The father of Pakistan's atomic bomb, Abdul Qadeer Khan, admitted in 2004 that he ran a nuclear black market selling secrets to Iran, Libya and North Korea but later retracted his remarks.

Australia does not have nuclear weapons and supports their abolition. But it has a security alliance with the United States and holds the world's largest reserves of uranium.

Of acknowledged nuclear weapons states, Britain scored best at 10th among the 32 countries. The United States ranked 13th.

The Nuclear Threat Initiative also released a separate index of security conditions in countries without significant nuclear materials, saying they could be used as safe havens or transit points. Somalia, which is partially under the control of the al-Qaida-linked Shebab movement and has effectively lacked a central government for two decades, was ranked last among the 144 countries surveyed.

Other countries that ranked near the bottom included Republic of Congo, Zimbabwe, Eritrea and Chad.

On the top of the list, Finland was ranked as the most secure nation among those without nuclear material. It was followed by Denmark, Spain, Estonia, Slovenia and Romania.